Directions: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:
Addressing an Indian Ocean Conference this month, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankarlisted two “trend lines” that have most influenced the “evolution” of Indian Ocean countries: a greater caution in power projection by the United States, and the rise of China that has permeated many spheres but also resulted in territorial tensions. He also listed two developments that have the most heightened uncertainties in the region: the American pull-out from Afghanistan and the novel coronavirus pandemic. While challenges to India and its neighbourhood were quite correctly identified, it is on these very factors that Indian leadership in the region has been challenged the most, and has fallen short. To begin with, there is the challenge that the situation in Afghanistan has thrown up, triggered by the U.S. decision to pull out all troops. Four months after the Taliban takeover of Kabul, it is clear that New Delhi has failed to effect outcomes in a country where it has had a role historically, and is now left studying the threats that will emanate from Afghanistan — from terror groups, narcotics, and mass migration to flee the growing humanitarian crisis there.
The next big challenge India has faced is from Chinese aggression, quite directly. Regardless of the Indian Prime Minister’s statement in June 2020 that “neither has anyone come in, nor is anyone inside” Indian territory, it is clear from a number of ground sources, satellite maps and official releases that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has amassed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in unprecedented numbers for “peace-time”, built villages and settled populations inside disputed territory claimed by India; it has also dug trenches, brought in heavy artillery and prepared road and helicopter and aircraft landing infrastructure for its forces right up to the boundary with India.
Those who have analysed the situation more closely have pointed objectives behind China’s aggression at the LAC: to restrict India’s recent efforts at building border infrastructure, bridges, and roads right up to the LAC; to restrict any possible perceived threat to Xinjiang and Tibet; to restrict India’s ability to threaten China’s key
Belt and Road project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), including a second link highway it plans from the Mustagh pass in occupied Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan, and to blunt any plans as outlined by the Home Minister in 2019 for India to reclaim Aksai Chin and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) militarily.
Directions: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:
Addressing an Indian Ocean Conference this month, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankarlisted two “trend lines” that have most influenced the “evolution” of Indian Ocean countries: a greater caution in power projection by the United States, and the rise of China that has permeated many spheres but also resulted in territorial tensions. He also listed two developments that have the most heightened uncertainties in the region: the American pull-out from Afghanistan and the novel coronavirus pandemic. While challenges to India and its neighbourhood were quite correctly identified, it is on these very factors that Indian leadership in the region has been challenged the most, and has fallen short. To begin with, there is the challenge that the situation in Afghanistan has thrown up, triggered by the U.S. decision to pull out all troops. Four months after the Taliban takeover of Kabul, it is clear that New Delhi has failed to effect outcomes in a country where it has had a role historically, and is now left studying the threats that will emanate from Afghanistan — from terror groups, narcotics, and mass migration to flee the growing humanitarian crisis there.
The next big challenge India has faced is from Chinese aggression, quite directly. Regardless of the Indian Prime Minister’s statement in June 2020 that “neither has anyone come in, nor is anyone inside” Indian territory, it is clear from a number of ground sources, satellite maps and official releases that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has amassed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in unprecedented numbers for “peace-time”, built villages and settled populations inside disputed territory claimed by India; it has also dug trenches, brought in heavy artillery and prepared road and helicopter and aircraft landing infrastructure for its forces right up to the boundary with India.
Those who have analysed the situation more closely have pointed objectives behind China’s aggression at the LAC: to restrict India’s recent efforts at building border infrastructure, bridges, and roads right up to the LAC; to restrict any possible perceived threat to Xinjiang and Tibet; to restrict India’s ability to threaten China’s key
Belt and Road project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), including a second link highway it plans from the Mustagh pass in occupied Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan, and to blunt any plans as outlined by the Home Minister in 2019 for India to reclaim Aksai Chin and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) militarily.
1. What is the challenge Afghanistan has posed to India?
A. After the takeover of Taliban, there is a humanitarian catastrophe, with food stocks running low because of disruptions caused by conflict.
B. Taliban is building a friendly relationship with Pakistan and China.
C. Taliban takeover has led to the rise of China which resulted in territorial tensions.
D. Following the Taliban takeover of Kabul, New Delhi has been unable to influence outcomes in Afghanistan, where it has had a role previously.
E. None of these
Sol:
In the given passage, it is mentioned that “To begin with, there is the challenge that the situation in Afghanistan has thrown up, triggered by the U.S. decision to pull out all troops. Four months after the Taliban takeover of Kabul, it is clear that New Delhi has failed to effect outcomes in a country where it has had a role historically,”
Therefore, option D is the correct answer.
2. Which of the following are the “trend lines” listed by S. Jaishankar, Minister of External Affairs?
I. The rise of the U.S that has permeated many spheres but also resulted in territorial tensions.
II. A greater caution in power projection by the United States.
III. The rise of China that has permeated many spheres but also resulted in territorial tensions.
IV. The U.S. decision to pull out all troops from Afghanistan.
A. Both I and III
B. Both II and III
C. Both I and II
D. Both III and IV
E. All the above
Sol:
In the given passage, it is mentioned that “Addressing an Indian Ocean Conference this month, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar listed two “trend lines” that have most influenced the “evolution” of Indian Ocean countries: a greater caution in power projection by the United States, and the rise of China that has permeated many spheres but also resulted in territorial tensions.”
Therefore, option B is the correct answer
3. What did the Prime Minister say about China’s aggression?
A. He said, “neither has anyone come in, nor is anyone inside” Indian territory.
B. He said, “the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has amassed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC)”.
C. He said, “the Chinese built villages and settled populations inside disputed territory claimed by India”.
D. He said, “the Chinese brought in heavy artillery and prepared road and helicopter and aircraft landing infrastructure for its forces right up to the boundary with India”.
E. None of these
In the given passage, it is mentioned that “Regardless of the Indian Prime Minister’s statement in June 2020 that “neither has anyone come in, nor is anyone inside” Indian territory”.
Therefore, option A is the correct answer.
4. Which of the following is/are the developments that have the most heightened uncertainties?
A. A greater caution in power projection by the United States.
B. The American pull-out from Afghanistan and the novel coronavirus pandemic.
C. The challenge India has faced is from Chinese aggression.
D. Both A and B
E. All the above
In the given passage, it is mentioned that “He also listed two developments that have the most heightened uncertainties in the region: the American pull-out from Afghanistan and the novel coronavirus pandemic.”
Therefore, option B is the correct answer.
5. Which of the following is NOT one of the objectives behind China’s aggression?
A. to restrict India’s recent efforts at building border infrastructure, bridges, and roads right up to the LAC.
B. to restrict any possible perceived threat to Xinjiang and Tibet.
C. to impose sanctions and ban Indian officials from entering China and freezing their assets in China.
D. to restrict India’s ability to threaten China’s key Belt and Road project.
E. None of these
Sol:
In the given passage, in last paragraph it is mentioned that “Those who have analysed the situation more closely have pointed five objectives behind China’s aggression at the
LAC: to restrict India’s recent efforts at building border infrastructure, bridges, and roads right up to the LAC; to restrict any possible perceived threat to Xinjiang and Tibet; to restrict India’s ability to threaten China’s key Belt and Road project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), including a second link highway it plans from the Mustagh pass in occupied Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan, and to blunt any plans as outlined by the Home Minister in 2019 for India to reclaim Aksai Chin and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) militarily.”
Therefore, option C is the correct answer.
